Thomas F. Duryea

tom@duryea.us

Dr. David Churchman

HUX 594 Activity 3

Word Count:  2469

31 July 2004

The Decline to Catastrophe 1055 to 1071

 

            In pursuit of my investigation of the events leading up to the Battle of Manzikert, I will focus on three main topics.  The first focus will be on the political climate of the mid eleventh century in Anatolia. Were there problems with the aristocracy in Byzantium and imperial succession or were the political affairs in order? What was the political climate amongst the Seljuk Turks? The second facet of my research will be regarding the military situation and state of the military leading up to the battle.  Was the imperial army strong and well organized or was it in general disarray?  Was the Seljuk army well disciplined, or was there dissent in the ranks?  The third aspect will be the logistics of the armies.  How did the Byzantine army move over great distances?  What did the Seljuks move with its army and how did they move it?

The State of Byzantine Politics in the 11th Century

            In the early eleventh century, the Byzantine Empire became one of the largest, strongest and most prosperous realms in the world.  Still, in less than fifty years of the death of Basil II Bulgaroctonus (Killer of Bulgars), the Emperor was a captive of the Seljuk Turks; the Empire was a shambles on its way to ruin.  What happened to the character of the Empire and why did it start its rapid decline to ruin?

            In theory, the office of emperor was not hereditary as Constantine the Great decreed that the Patriarch would choose the next emperor.  Nevertheless, after Constantine’s death, the Imperial soldiers proclaimed Constantine’s sons as joint heirs to the throne setting up the tradition of a pseudo-hereditary imperial succession.  In 1025, Basil passed away without an heir to the throne.  Basil’s closest living relative was his 65-year-old hedonistic brother, Constantine.  He was crowned Constantine VIII.

            Constantine was a weak leader, frightened and intimidated by the aristocracy.  He gave into their demands of weakening the military.  He gave most high offices to his friends instead of choosing well-qualified incumbents.  The aristocracy preferred to spend their time in Constantinople thus becoming absentee property owners.  The rich farmland of Anatolia fell into poor condition through this inadequate administration.

            The Empire could have easily recovered from the brief three-year reign of Constantine VIII, but the nobility chose to force another incompetent to replace him.  Therefore, this trend continued with brief reigns by ineffectual emperors until the patriarch crowned Romanus Diogenes in 1068.  He tried to rebuild the empire and its military, but it was too late.

            Man after man who was completely unqualified for the position of emperor wore the royal diadem.  Why did the senate and the aristocracy allow this?  Anna Comnena writes that the emperors would invent new honorary titles for their favorites (Comnena, 78 IV).  She wrote a great length about the interfamily struggles for power in The Alexiad.  A modern scholar would wonder why the rich and powerful of the 11th century could be so self-absorbed in their personal fortunes and not see that their fortunes depended on the fortunes of the empire.  One contemporary author wrote, “O holy lord, God raised you to the imperial office and by His grace made you a god on earth – so to peak – to make and do what you will.” (Kekaumenos, 77) Why did they not see that with the empire’s rapid decline, they would also loose their fortunes and prestige as well?

The Political Setting of the Seljuk Turks in the 11th Century

Text Box: This mosaic in Hagia Sofia shows Emperor Constantine IX and Empress Zoe seated next to Christ.  Did the emperors consider themselves as “gods on earth” and therefore not capable of making bad decisions?            While the Byzantine Empire was in decline after nearly 700 years of existence, the Seljuks were relatively new on the world scene.  In the 10th century, a group of nomads known as Oguz Turks settled near Bukhara (Bokhara) in modern Turkmenistan.  The prince banished one of the soldiers, Seljuk, from Turkistan with a large tribe of his friends and vassals. He encamped in the neighborhood of Samarkand, embraced the religion of Mohammed, and acquired the crown of martyrdom in a war against the infidels.  After Seljuk’s death, a branch of these Oguz Turks headed west under the leadership of some of Seljuk’s descendants[1] and entered service of the Abbasid caliphs (Islamic leaders) in Baghdad. (Gibbon)

            The caliphs were the secular in addition to the spiritual leaders of Islam in Mesopotamia (modern Iraq, northwest Iran and eastern Turkey).  The Seljuk Turks defended the frontiers of the caliphate against the infidels, including other Turks.  In 1055 khan Tughrul Bey compelled the caliph to recognize him as sultan (king) of Mesopotamia and Persia.  He eliminated all Arabs from the government and installed local Persians for the administrative positions in his new Seljuk sultanate.

            Tughrul Bey’s successor was Mehmed ibn Daud, better known as Alp Arslan[2] (the Lion Hero).  As Seljuk power grew, they surfaced as the defenders of Sunni Islam against the infidel Shia (Shiite).  Alp Arslan wanted to destroy the Shia Fatimid caliphate in Egypt.  The Seljuk Turks were a new and growing society and a soon to be world power.  However, he was having political problems of his own.  His Turkish subjects were nomads who had little interest in being sedentary and living in a Persian bureaucracy following orders.  They were traditionally equestrians who roamed the steppe of Central Asia seeking their fortune.

Text Box: The 14-Century Alp Arslan Camii (Mosque) in Selçuk, Turkey near Aydin.            How did Alp Arslan (and his successors) manage to get his nomad subject to follow his orders?  How did he keep them from merely pursuing their traditional nomadic tendencies?  How did Tughrul get the caliph to capitulate to his leadership?

 

The Condition of the Byzantine Military in the Late 11th Century

            The Byzantine (Roman) had always had mercenaries or foreign troops as part of its army.  These were normally well disciplined and relatively small in numbers.  The thematic system provided a means of maintaining the armed forces.  This assured the empire of a professional, ready military to respond to all contingencies.  After the death of Basil, the thematic system fell into disrepair.  Successive administrations followed their hedonistic bend and decimated both the moral and resources of the military.  By the end of the 11th century, virtually all of the light cavalry and over half of all of the men in the Byzantine army were foreign mercenaries. (Heath, pg. 23). 

Even though these mercenaries were from diverse homelands, most of the horse archers were of Asiatic (Turkish) backgrounds.  Also included were many Frankish in the infantry.  These mercenaries were Arians as opposed to the Orthodox Byzantines.  Add to this the Armenian Monophysites and this spelled trouble brewing for the military, as there were troops of three different, opposing faiths fighting for a fourth.

Loyalty is a big problem with mercenaries.  Why did the empire hire mercenaries of opposing faiths?  Then after hiring them, why did they fail to keep up with promised payments of salary?  Why did they hire mercenaries from foreign states that were not even friendly to the Byzantines?  Money was one way to keep mercenaries faithful to the Empire’s cause.  An Armenian noble gave the following advice to the Emperor, “Take exceptional care of your soldiers.”  “The foreigners and Romans on guard around the imperial court should not be late in getting paid …” (Kekaumenos, 80).  In addition to this advice, in the Alexiad, Anna Comnena wrote about the emperor, “In any case he feared the recklessness of the soldiers all the more because the army was composed of many different elements, and he wondered whether they might not even be hatching some plot against himself.” (Comnena, 74).

Why did the emperors put themselves and the empire in such a position?  Did they not know the consequences of their actions, or did they simply not care?  Why did Romanus Diogenes take such an army to war against the Seljuk Turks?  Perhaps Aristakes was correct when he wrote, “he arrogantly grew proud, thinking it impossible to be vanquished by any kings born of this earth.  But he did not remember the words of the prophet that the king does not triumph through the multitude of soldiery, nor does the giant [triumph] because of his strength, but rather through the right hand and arm of the Omnipotent.” (Aristakes, 25)

The Seljuk Turk Army in the Late 11th Century

            A different situation faced the leaders of the Seljuk Turk army.  Poor morale was not an issue.  Neither was a lack of pay. The Seljuk army had been successful in the field.  The Seljuks were new to Islam and were full of the fervor of new converts to the prophet.  Motivation was high and moral was high. The regular army members were relatives to one another, as the Seljuks were all clans of the Oguz Turks.  Were there any problems amongst the military members or were the Seljuks the perfect fighting machine?

            The Seljuk army consisted of two main groups.  The first group was the gazis.  The gazis were Seljuk Turks who known as “warriors of the Islamic faith”.  They were horsemen, mounted archers, well skilled at their trade.  Organized into tribal bands, their main responsibility was defending the frontiers of the caliphate.  They often fought against other Turkic peoples, but they remained loyal to the cause of the prophet.  Mamluks comprised the other group.  These were slave-soldiers of conquered peoples.  For the Seljuk army, the Mamluks consisted mainly of Circassians and Kurds, both minorities in Persia and Mesopotamia.  The Mamluks made up the foot troops or infantry.

            The Seljuk leaders were engaged in state building.  They saw themselves as the defenders of Sunni Islam against the Shiite (Shia).  They wanted to leave the nomadic, barbarian lifestyle and become an imperial power.  Their goal was to eliminate the Shiite “infidels” in Egypt and establish Sunni as the sole presence of Islam.  The Gazis had other ideas.  They focused their attention on raiding the Byzantine March and plundering the wealth of the infidel Christians.  Some of the Gazis even hired on as mercenaries to the Byzantine nobles and fought their private wars, occasionally settling on the land of their Byzantine overlords.

            The Seljuk nobility wanted to build an empire and rid the world of the Shiites.  Their military, on the other hand, only wanted to continue their nomadic, raiding ways.  Were the nobles able to reign in these nomadic warriors to complete their mission?  Were the Gazis convinced to provide the service of patrolling roads, collecting taxes and live within the framework of this bureaucratic state?  How were the nobles able to get the Gazis to do anything for the good of the state?  What compromise did they work out between the two groups that eventually ended up in the creation of the Sultanate of Rum (Seljuk Empire)?  Did the Seljuks have problems with the Mamluks deserting?

Military Logistics of the Byzantine Military in the 11th Century

Moving a large army long distances has always been a challenge to strategic planners.  History is full of stories of large armies traveling long distances to meet their enemy.  The Greeks used thousands of ships to reach Troy.  Hannibal used elephants and a unique route to get his army to attack the Romans.  How did Romanus Diogenes get his army from Constantinople to the plains of Manzikert to fight the Seljuks Turks?

The Roman (Byzantine) army consisted of infantry, light cavalry and heavy cavalry.  The most direct route from Constantinople to Ardzen er-Rum or Erzerum (Erzurum) is 775 miles.  However, Romanus took a much longer route so he could muster more troops along the way.  This alternate route perhaps doubled the distance that he marched his troops.  He did add to his numbers with this long march of several months.

The huge Byzantine army consisted of about only 40% combatants.  The other 60% were engineers, laborers and servants.  They operated the siege engines (battering rams, etc.), tended to the knight’s armor and horses and drove the “thousands” of wagons that contained the military equipment needed for the campaign. (Heath, 24).  Why did the emperor march this huge support team along his serpentine route to Erzerum?  Why did he not have the majority of them march a more direct route under the guidance of one or more of his generals?  Perhaps a more important question is, why did he not send his heavy equipment with his navy to the city of Trebizond (Trabzon) and from there march the 4 days walk to Erzurum instead of the almost 6 months march?  What had happened to the once mighty navy?  Why did the military leaders and the emperor plan this long troop movement better?

Logistics of the Seljuk Army in the 11th Century

            The Seljuk army consisted of foot soldiers and light cavalry, with the absence of large siege engines.  The Seljuk army was lighter and had less distance to cover than the Byzantines, but they had problems of their own.  While the Byzantines crossed over the valleys and low passes of central Anatolia, the Seljuks had the high mountains and late spring snow to impede their progress.

Text Box: The high mountains in eastern Anatolia are snow capped year round.  These mountains caused logistical problems for the Seljuk armies.            The early summer snows in Tzamundus Pass stranded a large contingent of the Seljuk army under the command of one of Alp Arslan’s lieutenants, Afsin.  How were the Seljuks able to overcome the issues of high mountain passes and winter like weather?

            The Seljuks had other logistical problems.  The Seljuk army was mainly light cavalry.  Turkish cavalry units generally maintained up to 18 horses per rider. (Ross)  With a cavalry of 40,000 riders, this would mean supporting and moving up to 720,000 horses.  Add to this the support horses and donkeys, how did the Seljuks support this large amount of livestock?

            The Turkish tribes could traditionally move large mounted armies across thousands of miles of steppe grasslands, but how did they manage to move across high mountain passes and the near barren plains around Lake Van?  Where did they get the feed for all of this livestock?  How did the Seljuks overcome the problems of crossing the high water of the spring streams and rivers such as the Euphrates?

In Conclusion

            What was the political climate of the eleventh century in Anatolia?  Did the Byzantines and the Seljuks have the same problems or different ones?  How did they overcome these problems, or did they and if not, what were he results.  What was the state of military affairs of the Byzantines and the Seljuks?  Did they both have strong, well-disciplined armies or did they have many problems with mercenaries and budgets and how did they prevail over these issues? What was the condition of logistics of the two armies?  What did they need to move and how did they do it?  Were there better solutions than the ones used and how would it have affected the outcome or the battle?  Are there any lessons modern society learned from the failures and victories of both sides for our modern military and political system?

 

 

 

           


Cited Works

Primary Sources

Aristakes, “The History of Vardepet Aristakes Lastivertc’i Regarding the Sufferings Occasioned by Foreign Peoples Living Around Us” History. Robert Bedrosian 1985  May 2004 < http://rbedrosian.com/a1int.htm>.

Attaleites, Michael Historia

Comnena, Anna, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena, Sewter, E .Penguin Books, Harmondsworth 1969

Kekaumenos, N., Logos Nouthetetikos July 2004 <http://www.acad.carelton.edu/curricular/MARS/Kekaumenos.pdf>.

Matthew of Edessa, Chronicle

Psellus, Michael, “Book Seven” Chronographia  May 2004 <http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/psellus-chronographia.html>.

Modern Sources

Broshnahan, Tom, Turkey, Lonely Planet 2001 (Yale, Pat & Plunkett, Richard)

Gibbon, E., “Dynasty of the Seljukians, A.D. 1038-1152”,  The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire Chapter LVII July 2004 <http://www.ccel.org/g/gibbon/decline/volume2/chap57.htm#Defeat>.

Hallam, Elizabeth, Chronicles of the Crusades, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London 1989

Heath, Ian Byzantine Armies 886-1118 (Men-At-Arms, No 89), Osprey Publishing 1979

McDonagh, Bernard, Turkey Blue Guide, WW Norton and Company 2001

Nicolle, David Hungary and the Fall of Eastern Europe, 1000-1568 (Men-At-Arms, No 195) Osprey Publishing

Nicolle, David Saladin and the Saracens of the Middle East (Men-At-Arms, No 171) Osprey Publishing

Nicolle, David The Armies of Islam: 7th -11th Centuries (Men-At-Arms, No 125), Osprey Publishing

Norwich, John Julius Byzantium, The Apogee, Alfred A. Knopf 1995

Norwich, John Julius Byzantium, The Early Centuries, Alfred A. Knopf 1989

Pittman, Paul M. Turkey: A Country Study, Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress, 1987

Rice, Tamara Talbot, Byzantium, Rupert Hart-Davis, London 1969

Runciman, Steven, Byzantine Civilisation, University Paperbacks, London 1933

Runciman, Steven The Emperor Romanus Lecapenus and his Reign: A Study of Tenth Century Byzantium

Streater, Jasper, 'The Battle of Manzikert' in History Today, April 1967

Treadgold, Warren Byzantium and Its Army 284-1081 Stanford University Press 1995

Internet Sources

“Alp Arslan” encyclopedia.com 2004 Columbia Encyclopedia, sixth edition May 2004 <http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/A/AlpA1rsla.asp>

"Battle of Manzikert." Britannica Concise Encyclopedia. 2004.  Encyclopædia Britannica. 19 May 2004  <http://concise.britannica.com/ebc/article?eu=396534>.

“History of the Roman Empire” July 2004 <http://www.bibliomania.com/2/1/62/109/25699/1/frameset.html>

“History of Medieval Khurasan” July 2004 <http://islamicceramics.ashmol.ox.ac.uk/Samanids/history.htm>.

“Manzikert” Byzantium: An exploration of the Byzantine Empire (330-1461) 22 Sept 2002 Valerius, Masis May 2004 <http://www.ancientsites.com/aw/Post/31549>

“Romanus IV” encyclopedia.com 2004 Columbia Encyclopedia, sixth edition May 2004 <http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/R/Romanus4.asp>

Ross, Kelly L., Decadence, Rome and Romania, the Emperors Who Weren't, and Other Reflections on Roman History 2004 July 2004 <http://www.friesian.com/Roman Decadence, Rome and Romania, and the Emperors Who Weren't.htm>

  “That Terrible Day: The Byzantine defeat at Manzikert, AD 1071” Journal of Ancient and Medieval History at Dickson College 1996 Rosemary May 2004 <http://www.dicksonc.act.edu.au/Showcase/ClioContents/Clio2/manzikert.html>

 

Photo Credits

All photos by Tom Duryea, 2003-2004



[1] An oral tradition recorded in The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire states that “they determined by lot the choice of their new master. A number of arrows were successively inscribed with the name of a tribe, a family, and a candidate; they were drawn from the bundle by the hand of a child; and the important prize was obtained by Togrul Beg, the son of Michael the son of Seljuk, whose surname was immortalized in the greatness of his posterity.”

[2] Alp Arslan is such a great folk hero, that a contraction of his name “Alpaslan” is a common first name in modern Turkey and there are several mosques named after him.